Domestic Architecture and Power - The Historical Archaeology by Ross W. Jamieson, Prudence M. Rice

By Ross W. Jamieson, Prudence M. Rice

This quantity is a learn of the facility relationships inherent in family structure and family fabric tradition that have been necessary to the upkeep of the Spanish colonial empire. utilizing the loved ones spatial patterning, furniture, and own property of citizens of the highland urban of Cuenca, Ecuador, through the 17th and eighteenth centuries, the ebook examines gender, ethnic, and standing kinfolk within the colonial Andean global.

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Throughout the sixteenth century Cuenca was a merchant transit point for goods going to the big mining centers of Zaruma and Zamora (Moscoso C. 1989:347) and a major trade center for agricultural products. In 1573 the town had 60 Spanish vecinos, or full-fledged citizens, with their houses, one church with a priest, the Franciscan monastery, and town council buildings. The mines one league away at Llingate and Xililcay were prosperous, and the The History of Cuenca 35 thermal baths in the town of Baños, with their curative powers, were also well known (Villasante 1965 [1573]:141–142).

Thupa Yupanki’s conquest of the Cañari included at least the valley of Cuenca and the Jubones River drainage (Cobo 1964 [1653]:144; Idrovo Urigüen 1986:61). He is said to have imposed Inka religion and administration on the region, an important part of which was the construction of an Inkaic religious and admin- The History of Cuenca 23 istrative center at Tumipampa, or modern Cuenca. ” They also built storehouses, irrigation canals, road systems, and expanded the local agricultural fields (Pablos 1965 [1582]:267; Vega 1966 [1609]:486).

The “dynamic, highly varied, and influential roles of individuals and their ideologies” (Deagan 1995:2) are evident throughout the Spanish colonial world in the many contexts in which colonial material culture took on new meanings for different groups. If the crystallized pattern does not exist, and instead of searching for it we turn to the multivocal meanings that different groups brought to colonial domestic material culture (Beaudry et al. 1991:175), then certain assumptions prevalent in Spanish colonial archaeology must be dropped.

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