By Werner F. Stark
First released in 1998. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa corporation.
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Additional info for The Sociology of Knowledge: An Essay in Aid of a Deeper Understanding of the History of Ideas
Example text
1 This, then, is Scheler’s view: given certain ideas, ideas of a certain nature, religious, philosophical or scientific, it follows that, if they are to flourish, they must create for themselves appropriate forms of life in which they can so to speak feel themselves at home. Consequently, as we have already explained, the microsociological aspects are secondary only, not primary. The ideas are primary here, the organizational and institutional arrangements in which they are embodied flow from them, and the prime task is to see them in their social origination.
Kraft, for instance, has denied that there can be such a thing as the macrosociology of knowledge, the derivation of thought-contents from social reality at large. Knowledge, he argues, is a psychical phenomenon—it is in people’s heads as it were; so it cannot well be explained by what goes on outside those heads (a non-sequitur of the purest water); furthermore, we cannot connect thoughts with social entities, for social entities are not ‘real’ in any material sense, they are merely linguistic fictions and thus nothing—nothing at any rate that could explain anything else (a materialism so crude as to rule itself out of court).
G. Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia, ed. 1952,239; Maquet, Sociologie de la Connaissance, 1949, 30. 18 Preliminary Orientation structure on which they rested. This emphasis on empirical research is obviously altogether sound. Philosophical conclusions should come after the investigation of reality, not before it. First we must get proof that thought-processes do in fact depend on life-processes, on processes of social living, for their colour and content, and only then can we sensibly raise the question what the epistemological consequences of this dependence are.