By Tale Steen-Johnsen
In this e-book, story Steen-Johnsen explains how spiritual peacebuilders are restricted through either formal and extra sophisticated political suggestions geared toward regulating civil society. Political professionals have a vested curiosity in protecting social and spiritual hobbies lower than keep watch over, which limits the possibilities non secular leaders need to shrink violent conflicts among spiritual teams. This quantity bargains empirical examples of those connections in Ethiopia, Kenya, Zanzibar and Tanzania. it's worthy source for either students and improvement practitioners attracted to how politics and faith develop into conflated whilst non secular actors have interaction to construct peace.
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Additional info for State and Politics in Religious Peacebuilding
Sample text
The case descriptions are informative, but do not often bring to the field any theoretical or deeper conceptual understandings which could be used in other contexts. RELIGIOUS PEACEBUILDING AND STATE CONTEXT 27 To conclude, even though most scholars do not claim that religious peacebuilders are without restraints, many emphasize the potential of such actors in peacebuilding. 2 I will, however, in the next section show that it is possible to trace critical assessments of religious peacebuilding in some of the contributions to this discussion.
The distinctions pin down some of the features of state–religious relations which might have a bearing on religious peacebuilding. Understanding the scope of opportunities for religious leaders involved in religious peacebuilding also requires an understanding of what such opportunities might entail. In order to understand how religion contributes to bridging social capital, Brewer et al. suggest distinguishing the strategic social spaces religion occupies in civil society. They understand social spaces as realms in which religious peacebuilding takes place (Brewer et al.
Kjellman and Berg Harpviken argue that even though discussions regarding the role of the state and its relationship to civil society tend to operate with a clear division between the two, this is often more a point of emphasis than a reality in empirical terms (Kjellman and Harpviken 2010, p. 30). They claim that it is problematic for the understanding of state–civil society interactions that many researchers have followed Weber’s classical theory of the state as an autonomous entity vested with means through which it could dominate other spheres (Kjellman and Harpviken 2010, p.