By Elizabeth Rata, Roger Openshaw, Jonathan Friedman (eds.)
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Additional resources for Public Policy and Ethnicity: The Politics of Ethnic Boundary Making
Sample text
The Law Lords distinguished between the right to believe, which may be absolute, and the right to practise belief, which they argued must be qualified by circumstances. In a media interview the girl expressed her dream of becoming a TV presenter demonstrating what the interviewer called ‘the dilemma for British Asian youth – the veil of Islam versus the exposure of Five, the television channel’ (Gerard, 2006, A19). The case, along with Kolig’s Austrian Muslim youths, suggests that the experience of adolescent identity formation is an extremely complex one, often characterised by extremes and contradictions and, in that way, distinguishable from adult cultural identity.
These were young men, – although of immigrant 25 26 Freedom, Identity Construction and Cultural Closure descent – who had grown up and been educated in Britain; yet obviously felt that a Muslim identity and loyalty to an (imaginary) Islamic cause was of greater importance than citizenship. The image of Islam – and a sense of belonging to an ‘imagined global community’ (à la Benedict Anderson) – on which their identity was based, emphasised cultural closure and irreconcilable antagonism vis-à-vis their own society, representing in their view the global ‘anti-Islamic’ hegemon.
Brokerage politics and ‘direct’ democracy We have argued that the support of the liberal left for multiculturalism was the first and crucial step in its politicisation. Yet what was the mechanism by which these ‘legitimate defenders of the common good’ (Kellner and Heuberger, 1992, p. 11) went on to establish ethnic categorisation as the basic criterion for public policy? That mechanism was the brokerage of the leaders of various ethnic and indigenous groups into government institutions, policies and practices.