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Sample text
Jihad fought on behalf of the homeland was obviously a more attractive idea to a Christian than jihad fought on behalf of Islam. The national consciousness that the opposition press was calling for did not yet really exist. On the one hand, older religious conceptions of the community were very widespread. On the other, Egypt in the 1870s was a remarkably cosmopolitan place. The ruling elite still spoke Ottoman Turkish rather than Arabic, and employed foreign experts in senior positions without hesitation – the chief of the army’s General Staff, for example, was General Charles Stone Pasha, an American who had defended Washington, DC during the Civil War.
Followers of Afghani, notably Abd al-Salam al-Muwaylihi, a deputy and Freemason, played a leading part in pressing for this national plan. Correctly or not, the London Times identified al-Muwaylihi as a front for Afghani. On the face of it, then, Egypt was becoming an independent constitutional monarchy, and Afghani’s group was partly responsible for this – though the extent of Afghani’s responsibility, and indeed what was really going on behind the scenes, is far from clear. The Sharif government, however, was in fact composed mostly of men loyal to Ismail, and what at first appeared to be the triumph of constitutionalism and representative government quickly turned into the restoration of the khedive’s autocracy.
At the Dar al-Ulum, Muhammad Abduh taught Ibn Khaldun’s Muqaddima, the work on the philosophy of history to which he had previously been introduced by Afghani. On the basis of these lectures, he wrote his third book, Falsafat al-ijtima wa al-tarikh (“The philosophy of society and history”), the manuscript of which was lost when he was banished in 1879. It probably applied Guizot’s model to Arab history. Certainly, when Muhammad Abduh turned again to Arab history in about 1885, Guizot’s influence is very visible in the Risalat al-tawhid (“Essay on theology”).