By Thomas Bernhard
It really is 1967. In separate wings of a Viennese clinic, males lie bedridden. The narrator, named Thomas Bernhard, is afflicted with a lung sickness; his good friend Paul, nephew of the distinguished thinker Ludwig Wittgenstein, is being affected by one in all his periodic bouts of insanity. As their once-casual friendship accelerates, those eccentric males start to observe in one another a potential antidote to their emotions of hopelessness and mortality--a religious symmetry solid via their shared ardour for song, unusual humorousness, disgust for bourgeois Vienna, and nice worry within the face of demise. half memoir, half fiction, Wittgenstein's Nephew is either a meditation at the artist's fight to keep up an outstanding foothold in a global long gone incomprehensibly askew, and a stunning--if no longer haunting--eulogy to a real-life friendship.
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Sample text
Their political legitimacy, which is routinely contested and thus far from ideologically assured, stems directly from the fact that they are designed to work “behind the backs” of those whose welfare is subject to their operations— this is Marx’s chief objection to the “invisible hand” of market decisions. His “alienation” thesis holds that, as the production and distribution of the collective surplus is relegated to impersonal market processes, citizens surrender collective control over the conditions of social life.
At the conclusion of her reading of the speech, Disch turns to Arendt’s generous effort to aid the correspondence between Karl Jaspers and her husband, Heinrich Blücher. She explains that “Arendt’s writing of Jaspers’s letter is . . ” And certainly Disch is correct in pointing out that Arendt would have been highly sensitive to the political facts at issue in her friend Jaspers’s assessment of her. What she does can indeed be read as an act of friendship, but one that privileges the personal relation over the very political complex she indicts as inhuman on the grounds that it violates the primacy of friendship.
We seem to be faced, then, not with a fortuitous parallelism between political theory and social discourses and practices, nor with any simple pattern of causality linking them, but rather with a deep and pervasive affinity, structural or elective, between one particular mode of social attachment and the very concept of democracy. ”2 The question immediately raised by this observation ought to be: Why should any political practice be thought of in terms of an affective interpersonal bond, and can (or should) democracy, in particular, be thought of otherwise?