By Caro, Robert A.; Johnson, Lyndon Baines; Caro, Robert A.; Johnson, Lyndon Baines
Pulitizer Prize biographer Robert A. Caro follows Lyndon Johnson via either the main problematic and the main victorious classes of his profession, describing Johnson's risky dating with John Kennedy and Robert Kennedy through the struggle they waged for the 1960 Democratic nomination for president, via Johnson's unsatisfied vice presidency, his assumption to the presidency after Kennedy's assassination, his Read more...
summary: Pulitizer Prize biographer Robert A. Caro follows Lyndon Johnson via either the main troublesome and the main effective sessions of his profession, describing Johnson's risky dating with John Kennedy and Robert Kennedy in the course of the struggle they waged for the 1960 Democratic nomination for president, via Johnson's unsatisfied vice presidency, his assumption to the presidency after Kennedy's assassination, his victories over the price range and civil rights, and the eroding catch of Vietnam
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Johnson himself read with a genius that couldn’t be taught, with a gift that was so instinctive that one aide, Robert G. ” And Johnson also had a gift for using what he read. His longtime lawyer and viceroy in Texas, Edward A. Clark, was to say, “I never saw anything like it. He would listen at them … and in five minutes he could get a man to think, ‘I like you, young fellow. ’ ” Watching Lyndon Johnson “play” older men, Thomas G. Corcoran, the New Deal insider and quite a player of older men himself, was to explain that “He was smiling and deferential, but, hell, lots of guys can be smiling and deferential.
In a body previously dominated by the strictures of seniority, he became Assistant Leader of his party in 1951, two years after he arrived there; in another two years, still in his first term, he became the party’s Leader; two years later, in 1955, when the Demo-crats became the majority party in the Senate, Lyndon Johnson became the youngest Majority Leader in history, the most powerful man in the Senate after just a single term there. The youngest—and the greatest. By 1955, in the opinion of its journalistic chroniclers and a growing number of historians and political scientists, the Senate was the joke it had been for decades, only more so—so much an object of contempt that, more and more frequently, a suggestion was being heard that perhaps the institution might be dispensed with entirely: its “obsolesence,” said the era’s most authoritative work on Capitol Hill, George B.
During the day of the assassination and the three days following, television in the average American home was tuned to the Kennedy funeral ceremonies for almost eight hours a day. The events in modern American history most comparable in their impact on the public, social scientists found, were Pearl Harbor and Franklin Roosevelt’s death, but, the scientists also found that because these events had occurred before the television age, they were not in fact comparable. ” Adding to the difficulties was the attitude toward the new President among many—most, in fact—of the late President’s advisers, the men on whom Johnson would have to rely for advice and for the operation of the government.