No Enchanted Palace: The End of Empire and the Ideological by Mark Mazower

By Mark Mazower

No Enchanted Palace lines the origins and early improvement of the United international locations, probably the most influential but maybe least understood organisations energetic on this planet this present day. Acclaimed historian Mark Mazower forces us to put aside the preferred fantasy that the UN miraculously rose from the ashes of worldwide battle II because the parent of a brand new and peaceable worldwide order, supplying in its place a strikingly unique interpretation of the UN's ideological roots, early heritage, and altering function in global affairs.

Mazower brings the founding of the UN brilliantly to lifestyles. He exhibits how the UN's creators expected a global association that may guard the pursuits of empire, but how this imperial imaginative and prescient used to be decisively reshaped by means of the postwar reaffirmation of nationwide sovereignty and the unanticipated upward push of India and different former colonial powers. this can be a tale instructed in the course of the conflict of personalities, similar to South African statesman Jan Smuts, who observed within the UN a method to guard the previous imperial and racial order; Raphael Lemkin and Joseph Schechtman, Jewish intellectuals at odds over how the UN may still strive against genocide and different atrocities; and Jawaharlal Nehru, India's first best minister, who helped rework the UN from an software of empire right into a discussion board for finishing it.

A much-needed ancient reappraisal of the early improvement of this very important global establishment, No Enchanted Palace finds how the UN outgrew its origins and has exhibited a rare flexibility that has enabled it to suffer to the current day.

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Additional info for No Enchanted Palace: The End of Empire and the Ideological Origins of the United Nations (The Lawrence Stone Lectures)

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The alternative, too terrifying to contemplate, was a third global conflagration. He praised the League of Nations, criticizing “the fashion to belittle or even sneer at it,” but noted the “spirit of realism” animating those who had drafted the original version of the UN Charter seven months earlier at Dumbarton Oaks. indd 28 7/25/09 12:59:57 PM Chapter 1 29 responsibilities of the great powers, and it was right that they had done whatever was necessary to ensure that the latter support the new world body.

He too identified wholly with the idea of British leadership. But he insisted on the need to recognize the empire’s member-nations; this was why, during the First World War, he demanded that the autonomy of the Dominions be explicitly recognized. Hoping to unify imperial defense and to get colonial politicians to shoulder more of the burden, Whitehall had been moving in that direction before the war—at the 1907 Imperial Conference it had ceased referring to Canada and Australia as colonies and the term dominions was also extended to New Zealand and to South Africa in 1910.

For the human race,” he intoned, “the hour has struck. ” The alternative, too terrifying to contemplate, was a third global conflagration. He praised the League of Nations, criticizing “the fashion to belittle or even sneer at it,” but noted the “spirit of realism” animating those who had drafted the original version of the UN Charter seven months earlier at Dumbarton Oaks. indd 28 7/25/09 12:59:57 PM Chapter 1 29 responsibilities of the great powers, and it was right that they had done whatever was necessary to ensure that the latter support the new world body.

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