By Lina Dencik (auth.)
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This criticism is directed towards GCS as both a concept of political analysis and a normative ideal, a distinction the literature itself seems to be confused about. When scrutinising the concept of GCS the question of ‘is’ and ‘ought’ and of their relationship becomes of central concern. It is argued here that the understanding of the media in the literature on GCS not only questions the linearity of this relationship but also highlights wider misconceptions about the nature of power relations, the location of power, and the dynamics of social change.
Define as ‘a real as well as conceptual space in which movement organisations interact, contest each other and their objects, and learn from each other’ (Guidry et al. 2000: 3). Despite hesitations among public sphere theorists, including Habermas himself (Habermas 2006), for GCS scholars, the globalisation of the media has meant that the mediatisation of politics is taking place on a global scale concerning global issues and involving and affecting a public not defined by the nation-state. ‘Global Civil Society’ and the Media 25 As Keane states: ‘it [the globalisation of media] has contributed to the growth of a plurality of differently sized public spheres, some of them global, in which many millions of people witness mediated controversies about who gets what, when, and how’ (Keane 2003: 168).
Trans)forming identities into global citizens The popular notion that we are witnessing the shaping of a global consciousness has in many ways set the groundwork from which talk of civil society on a global scale has emerged. It is arguably a fundamental prerequisite in the cosmopolitan vision that it is possible to understand the world ‘as a whole’, indeed to imagine the world as a ‘global polity’. GCS scholars are keen to emphasise how this process has been facilitated by developments in ICTs.