By Professor Barry Buzan, Professor Lene Hansen
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Additional info for International Security vol.1: The Cold War and Nuclear Deterrence
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The terrorist attacks on the US on September 11, 2001 was definitely a key event but whether or not the subsequent 'global War on Terror' (CWoT) defines a new era of international security remains an open question. Whether it does or not hinges on the American ability to securitize 'terrorism' as a ,global threat and have this securitization accepted by at least its major allies and the great powers. If so (and the possibility is plausible if not certain), then the GWoT would provide a new core framing for ISS of a kind that has been absent since the end o f the Cold War.
Lenin, had he lived, might have proved a great enough man to reconcile these conflicting forces to the ultimate benefit of Russian society, though this is questionable. But be that as it may, Stalin, and those whom he led in the struggle for succession to Lenin's position of leadership, were not the men to tolerate rival political forces in the sphere of power which they coveted. Their sense of insecurity was too great. Their particular brand of fanaticism, unmodified by any of the Anglo-Saxon traditions of compromise, was too fierce and too jealous to envisage any permanent sharing of power.
Methodologically, this implied that the words and interpretations derided by scholars as diverse as Morgenthau (1952) and Galtung (1984) gained centerstage: it was the constitution of 'security', threats and enemies by politicians and institutions and the legitimation of policies and behavior which were to be examined. As Poststructuralism emerged as a distinct, critical perspective so did Feminism, in part as a consequence of how the two approaches were making a general impact on the Humanities and the Social Sciences (the driving force of academic debates), in part as a product of the political opposition to antagonistic policies on both sides of the Iron Curtain.