By Matthew Sharpe, Geoff Boucher
In Zizek and Politics, Geoff Boucher and Matthew Sharpe transcend regular introductions to spell out a brand new method of interpreting Zizek, one who may be hugely serious in addition to deeply appreciative. They convey that Zizek has a raft of basic positions that permit his theoretical positions to be placed to paintings on sensible difficulties. Explaining those positions with transparent examples, they define why Zizek's war of words with thinkers similar to Derrida, Foucault and Deleuze has so substantially replaced how we expect approximately society. They then pass directly to song Zizek's personal highbrow improvement over the past 20 years, as he has grappled with theoretical difficulties and the political weather of the battle on Terror. This e-book is an important addition to the literature on Zizek and an important severe advent to his notion.
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Extra info for Žižek and Politics: A Critical Introduction (Thinking Politics)
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Bush described the emerging global situation as a ‘New World Order’, characterised by the worldwide spread of liberal democracy and free-market economics. The pre-eminent intellectual statement of the times came from the neoconservative Francis Fukuyama. In The End of History and the Last Man (1992), Fukuyama argued that the fall of the Berlin Wall signalled the end of human history. The long series of violent struggles between competing conceptions of the best political regime was over. The Western coupling of (neo)liberal economics and parliamentary democracy was the only legitimate form of government remaining.
Up to the neoliberal opinion, according to which the passage from the age of ideologies to the post-ideological era is part of the sad but none the less inexorable process of the maturation of humanity. (CHU 323–4) So Žižek’s orienting political contention about today’s world is that, since 1989, we have been living in a period of unprecedented global consensus. In the New World Order, it somehow seems easier for people to imagine the world being destroyed by some catastrophic natural event than for them to imagine any political alternative to the reign of global capital (SI 1).
Does not Bush’s 2001 attempt to position the terrorist attacks as acts visited upon an innocent America from outside simply mirror the standard way Western commentators and politicians comprehend all the ‘dark phenomena’ haunting our post-political ‘second modernity’? And does not the Bush doctrine’s elevation of Bin Laden and al-Qaeda to figures of inscrutable Otherness have some unsettling implications for the way postmodernists celebrate absolute Otherness as a relief from the supposed tyranny of modern Western rationality?