By Jon Nixon
For Hannah Arendt, friendship had political relevance and significance. The essence of friendship, she believed, consisted in discourse, and it is just via discourse, she argued, that the realm is rendered humane. This booklet explores the various key rules in Hannah Arendt's paintings via a learn of 4 lifelong friendships -- with Heinrich Blücher, Martin Heidegger, Karl Jaspers and Mary McCarthy. The booklet attracts on correspondence from either side, illuminating our figuring out of the social contexts in which Arendt's considering constructed and was once clarified. It deals a cultural background of rules: laying off gentle on center rules in Arendt - of 'plurality' and 'promise', and on how these specific rules emerged via a specific set of relationships, at an important second within the background of the West. This ebook deals an unique and available 'way in' to Arendt's paintings for college kids and students of politics, philosophy, highbrow historical past and literature.
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Extra resources for Hannah Arendt and the Politics of Friendship
Sample text
Although Arendt provided no detailed or extended discussion of friendship, her references to it would suggest that she locates it within this conceptual frame: if the human world is one of irreducible plurality, and friendship an expression of that plurality, then the question of how the notion of ‘friendship’ relates to that of ‘the political’ becomes unavoidable. On Revolution provides us with some albeit tentative answers to that question. In this work, Arendt had in her sights two traditions of political thought: the liberal democratic tradition with its emphasis on political freedom as realised through the exercise of individual liberty, and the Marxist tradition with its emphasis on political freedom as realised through the struggle for a classless society.
Reading The Origins of Totalitarianism from an early twenty-first century perspective, one has to remember that Arendt finished writing the book in 1949, a little over four years after the defeat of Hitler and four years before the death of Stalin. As she explained in her preface to the 1966 edition of the book, this was in her view ‘the first possible moment to articulate and to elaborate the questions with which [her] generation had been forced to live for the better part of its adult life: What happened?
HC, 175–6 Arendt defined power as the vital link between plurality and politics: ‘[P]ower springs up between men when they act together and vanishes the moment they disperse’ (HC, 200). Power is latent in human plurality and is actualised through collective action. All power is, therefore, by definition collective power, and the notion of ‘coercive power’ becomes a contradiction in terms. Arguably, as Jonathan Schell (2004, 226) points out, Arendt’s definition ‘leave[s] dictatorship dangling, linguistically speaking, in midair, without any political properties of its own’.