By Elizabeth Silva, Alan Warde
Cultural research and Bourdieu’s Legacy explores the achievements and boundaries of a Bourdieusian method of cultural research via unique contributions from distinct overseas students. This edited assortment deals sustained serious engagement, substantiated via new empirical paintings. It offers concrete facts of different methods to the interpretation of tradition in Britain, France and america. Discussions are positioned when it comes to present debates approximately cultural research, specifically the colourful and large disputes about the applicability of Bourdieu’s ideas and techniques. in this case, implications for the way forward for learn paintings in cultural research, together with into conception and techniques, are drawn. The contributing authors supply key interpretations of the paintings of Bordieu, arguments for replacement ways to cultural research, and significant purposes of his recommendations in empirical research. This publication is vital examining for graduate scholars of sociology, cultural experiences, social anthropology or cultural geography, delivering nice perception into the paintings of 1 of the main eminent modern students within the box of cultural research.
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Additional info for Cultural Analysis and Bourdieu's Legacy: Settling Accounts and Developing Alternatives (CRESC)
The problem here is that the critic rarely contrasts their own position and substantive intent with Bourdieu’s (even in terms of discipline, philosophy, or cultural context), and so dismisses or overlooks anything that does not fit their own interpretative framework. The third strategy is a form of reductionism. Here, conceptual terms such as ‘habitus’, ‘field’ and ‘reflexivity’ are reduced to ‘agency’, ‘context’ and ‘self-awareness’. As these latter are common in the social sciences, this argument leads to the claim that Bourdieu does nothing special: what he does, they all do – what he shows, 18 M.
Yet, at the same time, caution also needs to be exercised in making too much of Bourdieu. Earlier, I wrote of the dangers of treating his concepts in too broad a manner. I suggested that this metaphorizing of data amounted to little more than embroidering them with various conceptual terms, which leads to a weak form of constructivism. Here, a conceptual term is simply imposed on a piece of data and allowed to speak for itself, giving it a prosaic rather than an analytical meaning. For example, to extend his concepts to the sphere of emotions moves from the representation of dispositions formed from positions in the social space to individual psychologies.
As these latter are common in the social sciences, this argument leads to the claim that Bourdieu does nothing special: what he does, they all do – what he shows, 18 M. Grenfell they already know. Thus, the dynamic between these concepts, which is at the centre of a Bourdieusian approach, is underplayed and the methodological potential undermined. The fourth strategy can really be understood as a form of theoretical and empirical amnesia. Here, the writers claim that what Bourdieu showed is merely something that was always known.