Assholes: A Theory of Donald Trump by Aaron James

By Aaron James

That Donald Trump is an asshole is a truth largely agreed upon—even via his supporters, who truly like that approximately him. yet his startling political upward thrust makes the query of simply what kind of asshole he's, and the way his assholedom can help to provide an explanation for his good fortune, one not only of philosophical curiosity yet of just about existential urgency.

Enter the thinker Aaron James, writer of the foundational textual content within the burgeoning box of Asshole experiences: the bestselling Assholes: A concept. during this brisk and trenchant inquiry into the phenomenon that's Donald Trump, James locations the fellow firmly within the typology of the asshole (takes each virtue, entrenched experience of entitlement, resistant to criticism); considers no matter if, within the Hobbesian global we appear to inhabit, he will possibly not one way or the other be a strength for good—i.e., the superior Asshole; and gives a guideline for the way the bonds of our social agreement, spectacularly damaged by way of Trump’s (and Ted Cruz’s) disdain for democratic civility, could in time be repaired.

You won't ever take into consideration Donald Trump an analogous manner after interpreting this e-book. And, love it or now not, take into consideration him we needs to.

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In the main, of course, unanswered questions; and a stress on the difference in meaning (quite apart from differences in difficulty of implementation) of democracy in ‘creation’ situations and in situations of marginal management. Perhaps one relevant observation would be to say that even developed societies do not approximate closely to this ‘marginal’ model. One might also ask to what extent, in the developed societies, concern for democracy really boils down to concern with liberalism plus the symbolism of general participation, of universal incorporation in the moral community.

Not, evidently, will and consent, for just these are being, in this imaginary case, violated. It would be agreeable to be able to say that the example is farfetched. Twentieth-century history has made it not at all far-fetched. But if we were living in a better world and could happily say that it is far-fetched, we should still have to go on to admit that many other less far-fetched examples can be invoked. My point is this: a ‘democratic’ society, governed by the will of the people, interpreted as the will of the majority or in any other way, can only be acceptable when it respects certain limits, certain entrenched principles.

Inside theories concerning knowledge give us theories of knowledge in terms of sensation. Inside theories in the field of ethics give us accounts of morals in terms of feelings or pleasure. Inside theories in the field of politics give us an account of the legitimacy of the social order or of the power of the state, in terms of will and consent: in other words, they give us the classical theory of democracy. This surely is the genesis of the general features of the theory of democracy, and also the explanation, in as far as an intellectual explanation is relevant at all, of the pervasiveness of the democratic assumption in the modern world.

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